Dr. Md Eisa
PDF, ICSSR, New Delhi
Abstract
This article examines Mahatma Gandhi’s profound engagement with Islam, Muslims, and Arab causes, rooted in his reverence for the Qur’an, Prophet Muhammad, and Islamic principles of tolerance and brotherhood. Drawing on Gandhi’s statements, speeches, and writings, it highlights his attendance at the 1919 Islamic Conference, support for the Khilāfat movement, and praise for Islam’s non-violent spread through moral example rather than force. Gandhi’s solidarity extended to Arab independence struggles, exemplified by his 1931 Aden address and principled stance on Palestine, where he rejected Zionist claims under British bayonets, advocating Arab-Jewish coexistence via nonviolence. The piece traces Gandhi’s influence on Egypt (via Wafd Party ties), Lebanon (nonviolent figures like Father Afif Osseiran), and beyond, positioning him as a bridge in Indo-Arab cultural relations. Ultimately, it underscores Gandhi’s anti-imperialist humanism as foundational to India’s pro-Arab foreign policy.
Keywords: Mahatma Gandhi, Indo-Arab relations, Gandhi and Islam, Palestine issue, nonviolence (ahimsa), Khilafat movement, Zionist movement, Arab independence, Egyptian Wafd Party, cultural exchange.
Gandhi’s Engagement with Islam and Muslims:
Although Gandhi was born into a conservative Hindu family and environment, and thus grew up as a Hindu, his orientations and positions were marked by a profound interest in and deep respect for Islam. He showed remarkable harmony with its values, great reverence for the Prophet of Islam and his message, and clear identification with Muslims and their causes.
Gandhi affirmed on many occasions that he was as much a Muslim as he was a Hindu, and that in his religious consciousness he did not differ greatly from Islamic thought in defining existence, the Divine Self, the attributes of God, and the nature of the Creator.
There is no doubt that many Hindu extremists, both in the past and the present, believed—and still believe—that Gandhi was closer to Islam and Muslims. Some even assert that he sacrificed Hindu interests and gains for the sake of Muslims. This conviction led a group of them to plan and carry out his assassination following the declaration of India’s independence.[1]
Gandhi showed great interest in the issue of the Islamic Caliphate, which preoccupied Arabs and Muslims for a period following the First World War. At the same time, it became a focal point of discussions between Hindus and Muslims in India. Gandhi himself traveled to Delhi in 1919 to attend the Islamic Conference, to which he was officially invited. At that time, Muslims appeared strongly eager to gain the support of Gandhi and of Hindus in general.
Following the declaration of Satyagraha, that is, the principle of nonviolence, Indian gatherings in the Transvaal region of South Africa became extremely large. One of the largest mass meetings held thereafter, under Gandhi’s leadership, took place in the courtyard of a Mosque in Pretoria. [2]
The Qur’an held limitless respect in Gandhi’s view. This is evident from his statement during his time in South Africa: “At Tolstoy Farm, I was keen to ensure that Muslims recited the Qur’an.”
Gandhi’s reverence for the Qur’an and for Muhammad, was manifested on many national occasions, especially when sectarian strife was raging in India to such an extent that it threatened to spare nothing. Addressing the conflicting crowds with optimism and confidence, he declared:
“I tell you that the light has shone forth, and it will guide us to the straight path. Messengers live and die, but their messages often bear fruit after many centuries. Indeed, how many followers did Buddha have when he died, and how many followers did Muhammad have? Their teachings lived on after their deaths, because their faith was founded upon eternal truth.” [3]
Gandhi, driven by the originality of his thought and his humanity, consistently expressed his deep appreciation for the message of the Arabs as embodied in Islam, seeing in it a valuable source for his teachings and a motivation for steadfastness. He said:
“Remember that the Messenger of God migrated from Mecca to Medina, accompanied by his friend Abu Bakr. A group of enemies pursued them, and Abu Bakr feared for what might happen to them. He said to the Messenger of God: ‘Look at this large number of our enemies who are following us. What would happen if they saw us?’ The Messenger of God replied: ‘What harm is there in two? God is the third of us.’” [4]
Gandhi had many positions in which he praised Islam and the Noble Prophet, peace be upon him, and he repeated numerous famous statements on various occasions that expressed fair and respectful recognition of the religion. One of his most notable statements about Islam came in an interview with the Indian newspaper ‘Young India’, where he spoke about the characteristics of Islam, its tolerance, refinement, and civility, as well as the simplicity and honesty of its Prophet, peace be upon him. He said:
“I have become fully convinced that the sword was not the means through which Islam gained its position and spread across a vast geographical area of the world, east and west. Rather, it was through the simplicity of the Messenger Muhammad ibn Abdullah, his precision and honesty in promises, his dedication and loyalty to his friends and followers, and his courage coupled with absolute trust in his Lord and his mission. These qualities paved the way for the widespread dissemination of Islam and helped it overcome obstacles, not the sword as some claim.”
Gandhi continued: “I wanted to understand the qualities of Islam that have won the hearts of millions of people without conflict. After reading part of the life of the Messenger of Islam, I found myself wishing there were more to learn about this great religion and the life of its Prophet.”
On another occasion, Gandhi said: “Becoming acquainted with the Prophet of Islam and his message is what led me to call for the liberation of India. The great and eternal Mohammad ibn Abdullah, the Messenger of Islam, was capable of dominating the entire world, yet he remained human in his adherence to Islam. The lusts of the devil could not even hover near him, and he lived as an ordinary human being among his fellow people, like one of them, even though he was divinely chosen.” [5]
Gandhi said about Islam: “The spirit of brotherhood is not manifested so clearly in any other religion as it is in Islam.” [6]
Gandhi’s relationship with Arabs and their issues:
It seems that Gandhi was very eager to meet Arabs closely, after learning much about them, their civilization, heritage, history, and religion in his own country, and through the influence of many Indian Muslims. When the opportunity arose in 1931, while he was heading to Europe to discuss the issue of his country, he stopped at the coast of Yemen and addressed the crowds in Aden, who, like the Indians, were living under the oppression of a single harsh enemy. He said to them:
“This great island, the Arabian Peninsula where Muhammad was born and Islam was revealed, is like a living example of religious tolerance and human compassion.” [7]
Such a close link between Arab identity and Islam, which is evident in many of Gandhi’s statements and writings, has long been familiar in the minds of many Arab Muslims.
Although Mahatma Gandhi was primarily the leader of India’s independence movement, focusing on freeing India from British rule, his philosophy of nonviolent resistance and his views on justice, equality, and human rights had a broader significance beyond India. While his influence may not have been direct or widespread in the Arab world, his ideas left a lasting impact on individuals and movements striving for justice and independence. By the mid-20th century, many Arab leaders adopted nonviolent resistance as a strategy in their struggles for independence.
Gandhi played a notable role in the broader narrative of Arab struggles, just as the Arab world held a special place in his thinking. Gandhi was the product of a deep interaction between Indians and Arabs, a convergence in which their civilizations intertwined in one of the finest examples of cultural and human exchange between peoples.
Gandhi and the Palestine Issue:
Gandhi was always a supporter of pressing Arab causes, including colonialism and the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Although he remained, throughout his life, opposed to the use of violence in international conflicts, during the Arab Revolt in Palestine (1936–1939), later known as the “Great Revolt,” he viewed the issue as involving an occupier and usurper of national lands—an opponent against whom the usual principles of nonviolence and peaceful resistance might not be sufficient. [8]
The conflict between Arabs and Zionists has been a major and significant part of modern Arab history, and the Palestinian cause became the primary issue for the Arab world. Gandhi clearly understood that the Arab-Israeli conflict was essentially political, not religious, as the Zionists often tried to portray it. He also firmly believed that religion cannot serve as a solid foundation for building a state in the modern era.
Gandhi’s clear stance on the Palestinian issue was reflected from the very beginning, even before India gained independence, in the positions, decisions, and recommendations of the Indian National Congress, which led India’s struggle for independence and governed the country for decades afterward. In the concluding statement of the Congress’s 1937 annual general meeting in Calcutta, it was stated:
“The party strongly condemns the use of terrorism and rejects proposals related to the partition of Palestine.” The statement also affirmed the support of the Indian people for Arab rights and the national struggle of the Arab peoples.
Gandhi’s ideas and positions regarding the Palestinian issue and the Arab nation laid the foundation for a consistent policy by India, a secular non-Arab state, which remained committed to this stance for a long time. Thanks to this, India has, for decades, been among the leading countries strongly supporting the Palestinian cause, based on principles such as rejecting the use of religion as a basis for the state. [9]
On this occasion, it is worth noting that when Gandhi returned to India from South Africa in 1915, Palestine was under the British Mandate, and the Zionist movement was at the height of its activity. While Gandhi was fully engaged in his struggle for India’s independence, the Balfour Declaration was issued in 1917—a public statement by the British government during World War I announcing support for the establishment of a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, which was then an Ottoman territory with a Jewish minority of about 3–5% of the total population. Gandhi firmly rejected the Balfour Declaration.
From the outset, Gandhi recognized the justice of the Arab position in the conflict between Jews and Palestinians in Palestine. At the same time, he understood that openly supporting the Arab cause could have negative repercussions, potentially undermining the sacrifices and efforts being made to achieve justice and freedom for the Indian people. This was due to the growing influence and lobbying of the Zionists, their ability to leverage European Jewish suffering to advance the Zionist project, and Britain’s strategic support for Zionist demands.
Nevertheless, Gandhi, guided by principle, could not ignore the suffering of the Palestinian people or the threats they faced, largely driven by British policies. He was convinced that if Britain withdrew, Arabs and Jews could resolve their differences independently. Gandhi also saw parallels between the suffering of the Indian and Palestinian peoples, identifying British policies as the common cause. Furthermore, Gandhi’s strict opposition to violence and terrorism made him reject the violent acts carried out by Zionists against Palestinians. Thus, for Gandhi, the Palestinian issue was fundamentally one of conscience, principle, and moral stance. [10]
Gandhi explicitly declared that he did not accept, nor was he convinced, that God had promised the Jews thousands of years ago the land of Palestine. He recognized that the Zionist movement had hijacked Jewish faith and manipulated it for political purposes. They exploited the suffering of Jews in Europe, profited from the lives of millions who became victims of Hitler’s Holocaust and concentration camps, and stirred their emotions for political gain. [11]
Gandhi continued to advise Zionist Jews to seek Jerusalem in the heavens or within themselves. By this, he meant that if Jews believed or felt that there were historical signs or biblical allusions granting them a right to Jerusalem, then such a right was symbolic and spiritual rather than geographical. Even after the collapse of the Khilafat Movement in 1924, Gandhi remained firm in his principled position and steadfast in his conviction that Jews had no legitimate right to control Palestine.
Regarding this issue, Gandhi wrote an article in the newspaper ‘Harijan’, published on 26 November 1938, which he later republished in his book ‘Non-Violence in Peace and War’. In that article, he stated the following:
“Why should the Jews not work like other people, behave like the rest of the nations of the world, and make their homeland the country in which they are born and earn their livelihood? Palestine belongs to the Arabs just as England belongs to the English and France belongs to the French.
To impose the Jews upon the Arabs is a grave injustice and an inhuman act. What is happening in Palestine today cannot be justified by any moral standards or ethical practices. There is no basis for this policy except the last war. Certainly, to reduce the Arabs so that Palestine, wholly or partly, may be given to the Jews as their national home would be a crime against humanity.
The nobler course lies in insisting that Jews be treated justly as citizens in the countries in which they are born and live. Jews born in France are French, just as Christians born in France are French. If the Jews have no homeland except Palestine, would they accept being forced to leave the countries in which they live? Or do they wish to have two homelands at once, choosing to live in either of them? The demand for a Jewish national home provides a convenient justification for expelling Jews from Germany.
I have no doubt whatsoever that they are pursuing the wrong path. Palestine, according to the biblical concept, is not a geographical tract of land; it has a place in their hearts. But if they must look upon Palestine as their national home, it is wrong to enter it under the protection of British bayonets. Religious missions cannot be fulfilled under the threat of bombs.
Jews may settle in Palestine only with the goodwill and blessing of the Arabs, and they must strive to win the hearts of the Arabs. The God who rules the hearts of the Arabs is the same God who rules the hearts of the Jews. Jews can confront the Arabs through peaceful resistance, offering themselves to be killed or thrown into the Dead Sea without raising a finger against them; then they would find world public opinion on their side in support of their religious aspirations.” [12]
In the later years of his life, Gandhi seemed somewhat less critical of Jewish aspirations to settle in Palestine. However, he continued to denounce any attempt to impose themselves on Palestine with the help of Britain, the United States, or through overt acts of violence.
It is important to note that Gandhi’s views on the Palestinian issue were part of his broader philosophy of justice, nonviolence, and anti-imperialism. While his direct influence on specific events in Palestine may have been limited, his principles inspired individuals and movements worldwide, including those advocating for the rights of the Palestinian people. The Palestinian struggle for statehood and self-determination has often involved a combination of diplomatic efforts, nonviolent resistance, and armed struggle.
Throughout, Gandhi consistently voiced his support for the just cause of the Arabs, his defense of Arab rights, and his condemnation of the injustices faced by the Palestinian people. Through this, he laid the foundation for India’s steadfast foreign policy supporting Arab causes, based firmly on principles of justice and human rights.
The value of Gandhi’s principles to Egyptians:
The foundations of Indo-Arab relations that Gandhi helped establish were not limited to the Palestinian issue—they extended to the broader struggles for freedom and independence across Arab nations.
The period of India’s struggle for independence from British colonial rule, led by the Indian National Congress under Gandhi, coincided with Egypt’s struggle against British occupation, led by the Wafd Party under Saad Zaghloul. The two movements shared many principles, goals, and methods, which fostered a strong alignment and mutual understanding between the parties. This led to active channels of communication, coordination, and collaboration, making Egypt a central gateway for the Indian National Congress’s engagement with Arab causes.
Delegates from the Egyptian Wafd Party began visiting India, meeting Congress leaders and attending their annual meetings. On one such visit in 1939, Indian leader Jawaharlal Nehru welcomed them warmly, saying:
“We welcome our esteemed guests from Egypt, who bring with them the spirit of nationalism and freedom. In India, this same spirit has guided us in establishing this great organization and in our struggle against imperial control for the freedom of our people. We find ourselves in complete alignment with your aspirations in Egypt. Our peoples share many common bonds… since the dawn of history, we have exchanged ideas, cultures, and goods. Today, we are united in a shared struggle for freedom against a common imperial power.” [13]
Previously, the communication and cooperation between the two parties led to the establishment of the “Egypt-India Friendship Association” on January 23, 1909. A close personal friendship blossomed between Mahatma Gandhi and Saad Zaghloul Pasha, with both exchanging ideas and drawing inspiration from each other’s steadfastness in their struggle against colonialism. Gandhi was deeply impressed by Zaghloul’s ability to maintain the secular nature of Egypt’s independence movement and to unite Egyptian Muslims and Christians around a single shared goal: achieving the nation’s freedom.
When the ship carrying Gandhi passed through the Suez Canal on his way to attend the “Round Table Conference” in London in 1931 to discuss India’s independence, it made a stop at the port of Port Said. Egyptian leaders, politicians, thinkers, and writers warmly welcomed him, greeting him with heartfelt admiration that reflected their deep respect and love for the principles Gandhi upheld and tirelessly promoted. [14]
Influenced by Gandhi and his philosophy of struggle, the Egyptian people wholeheartedly supported the Indian people’s fight against the oppressive British colonial rule. They closely followed Mahatma Gandhi’s efforts, deeply admiring his concept of ‘Ahimsa’, or nonviolence. By this, he meant the rejection of physical force as a means to achieve life’s goals, favoring instead the power of the spirit—a power he firmly believed would ultimately prevail. [15]
The Influence of Gandhi’s Principles on Other Arab Countries:
The struggle for independence in Lebanon and Syria during the early to mid-20th century combined diplomatic efforts with popular movements. Various nationalist and anti-colonial ideologies were present, alongside the influence of Gandhi and his philosophy of nonviolence, which inspired individuals and movements in their pursuit of freedom and equality.
Gandhi’s nonviolent approach became a model to follow for many Lebanese figures who adopted his path of peaceful resistance, particularly during the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990). Among these were Bishop Gregor Haddad, Father Ambrosius Al-Hajj, and Father Afif Osseiran. During this brutal conflict, they and others adopted the slogan “I die but I do not kill,” aligning their actions with Gandhi’s principle that just as one must learn to kill when trained in a life of violence, one must also learn to die when committed to a life of nonviolence. Violence, Gandhi taught, does not liberate one from fear but only discovers the means to suppress its cause.
One notable example is Father Afif Osseiran, who became known during the war as the “Gandhi of Lebanon.” During the first Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1978, he repeatedly faced an Israeli tank while unarmed. On one occasion, he courageously stood in front of a tank at an Israeli checkpoint to prevent it from running over a Lebanese child walking by.
Similarly, during Algeria’s struggle for independence from French colonial rule (1954–1962), the National Liberation Front (FLN) combined armed resistance with political negotiations. While armed struggle predominated, there were instances of nonviolent resistance influenced by global movements advocating civil rights and anti-colonialism, reflecting Gandhi’s principles.
Conclusion:
Overall, Gandhi’s primary focus remained on the Indian cause; however, he expressed solidarity with certain Arab and Islamic issues during his active years. Arab leaders and figures also benefited from his ideas and perspectives.
[1]. Introduction to Ghāndī wa-Qaḍāyā al-ʿArab (Gandhi and the Issues of the Arabs), p. 12.
[2]. Qiṣṣat al-Lāʿunf fī Janūb Ifrīqiyā (The Story of Nonviolence in South Africa), by Mahatma Gandhi. Translated by Munir Al-Baalbaki. Publisher: Dar Al-Tali’ah for Printing and Publishing. Page: 182.
[3]. al-Mahātmā Ghāndī al-Thāʾir (Mahatma Gandhi the Revolutionary). Translated by Mohammad Abdul Hadi, p. 54.
[4]. Ghāndī fī al-Adab al-ʿArabī al-Ḥadīth (Gandhi in Modern Arabic Literature), by Dr. Omar El Dakkak. Thaqāfat al-Hind (Culture of India), Vol. 43, No. 1, 1992, Indian Council for Cultural Relations, New Delhi, p. 62.
[5]. Ghāndī: al-Islām intashara bi-Ṣidq Risālatih wa-laysa bi-l-Sayf (Gandhi: Islam Spread Through the Sincerity of Its Message, not by the Sword), by Ahmed Mourad (Cairo). Source: Markaz al-Ittiḥād lil-Akhbār, Abu Dhabi, UAE, 20 May 2019.
[6]. al-Fikr al-Hindī al-Ḥadīth (Modern Indian Thought), by Vishwanath S Naravane. Beirut: Publisher: Asian Publishing House, 1964, p. 172.
[7]. Ibid., p. 62.
[8]. ‘Al-Doha Magazine’, Issue 127, May 2018, p. 105.
[9]. Ghāndī wa-Qaḍāyā al-ʿArab (Gandhi and the Issues of the Arabs), by ʿAbd al-Nabī al-Shuʿla, pp. 160–161.
[10]. Ibid., pp.150-151.
[11]. Ibid., p.14.
[12]. Ghāndī: al-Lāʿunf fī al-Silm wa-l-Ḥarb (Gandhi: Non-Violence in Peace and War), vol. 1, pp. 183–188. Ahmedabad: Dār Navajīvan lil-Nashr (Navajivan Publishing House). See also: Ghāndī wa-l-Ṣahyūniyya (Gandhi and Zionism), by Dr. Abdel-Wahab El-Messiri, Al-Jazīra, 3 October 2004.
[13]. Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru. Delhi: National Herald, 28 September 1992.
[14]. Ghāndī wa-Qaḍāyā al-ʿArab (Gandhi and the Issues of the Arabs), by ʿAbd al-Nabī al-Shuʿla, pp. 75-76.
[15]. Jawaharlal Nehru, by George Aziz, pp. 99-100.
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